Current Features | Previous Features
VII:2/Winter 2001/Spring 2002
The emphasis on the head (Ori) in Yoruba figure sculpture goes beyond its biological importance as the seat of the brain that controls the body. It reveals the anthropocentric nature of Yoruba cosmology, which identifies the Supreme Being, Olodumare, as the head of a pantheon of deities called òrìsà, who act as the agents of its enabling power (àse). This Supreme Being is sometimes called Oba Orun, the King of Heaven, and Olu Iwa, Lord/Head of Existence (Idowu 1995:37-38; and Euba 1985:3). 1 The Head should be accorded His due
This is the oracle's charge to the one thousand seven hundred divinities
Who must render annual tributes to Olodumare
(Idowu 1995:53).
The primacy of Olodumare is reflected in the common sayings Ori lo da ni, enikan o ' d'Ori o (It is the Head that created us; nobody created the Head) and Ori eni, l'Eleda eni (One's head is one's creator) (dos Santos and dos Santos 1971:49; see also Abiodun 1986: 18). As these sayings indicate, the apical position of the physical head resonates in the traditional Yoruba system of government. For example, all members of an extended family living together are under the authority of the head of a compound (Baálè ilé) in which they live, and all compound heads are responsible to a district head (Olori adugbo). Any matter that the latter could not resolve would be referred to a higher authority such as the village head (Báálé or Olu). At the top of this hierarchy is the Oba, a divine king, high priest, and the ruler of a given town, who is assisted by a council of elders or chiefs (Ojo 1966:119-20). Thus the head is to an individual what Olodumare is to the cosmos and a king to the body politic-a source of power.
In order to fully understand the significance of this metaphor, it must be noted that the Yoruba creation myth traces the origin of the human body to an archetypal sculpture (ere) modeled by the artist-deity Obatala and then activated by the divine breath (emi) of Olodumare, located in the sculpture's head. This creative process occurs inside a pregnant woman's body and takes about nine months to mature. According to the myth, every individual, before being born into the physical world, must proceed to the workshop of Ajalamopin, the heavenly potter, to choose one of several undifferentiated, ready-made Ori Inu, or "inner heads" on display in Ajalamopin's workshop. Each inner head contains Olodumare's àse (enabling power), and the one chosen by an individual predetermines his/her lot (ipin) in the physical world. 2 Hence the popular Yoruba slogan, Orilonise, "One's success or failure in life depends on the head." 3
Yoruba religion focuses on the worship of the òrìsà because of the belief that they act on behalf of Olodumare, who is too exalted to be approached directly. Yet Olodumare is indirectly involved in the day-to-day life of an individual through his/her Ori Inu, which is also called Ori Apere, Asiniwaye (Venerable head, one's guardian spirit in the physical world) (Ladele et al. 1986:42). Thus, in the past, every adult Yoruba dedicated an altar to the Ori Inu. The practice continues today in the rural areas. Called ibori, this altar is a cone-shaped object containing divination powder (iyerosun) mixed with earth into which a diviner has chanted sacred incantations and verses meant to attract good luck to its owner (fig. 3). It is encased in leather and adorned with cowrie shells (owo eyo). The ibori is kept in a crown-shaped container called ile ori (house of the head), which can be lavishly adorned with as many as 12,000 cowrie shells (fig.4). The size and ornateness of the container depend on the social or economic status of its owner. It is to the ibori that an individual offers gifts and prayers every morning before turning to the family òrìsà, again underscoring the preeminence of Olodumare, whom the inner head represents in an individual. Hence the popular saying, Ko s'òrìsà ti i da ni i gbe lehin ori eni (No òrìsà can help an individual without the consent of his or her head) (Abimbola 1971:81; see also Idowu 1995:38-56, Alade 1972: 8-10, Lawal 1985, and Okemuyiwa and Fabunmi 1989:15-20). The òrìsà themselves are said to be subject to their own Ori (Abimbola 1976:115), meaning that despite their popularity as the agents or manifestations of àse, they have the ability to assist an individual only within the boundaries already predetermined by Olodumare, the Ultimate Head.
Although the physical head is highly valued because of its social and biological importance as a site of perception, communication, and identity, it is regarded as no more than the outer shell for the inner head. It is called Ori Ode (external head). The desire for harmony between the two aspects of the head is expressed in the popular prayer, Ori inu mi ko ma ba ti ode je (May my inner head not spoil my outer one) (Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989: 26). The degree of realism in Yoruba portraiture depends on which aspect is being emphasized. Naturalism is favored in most of the sculptures meant to recall the physical likeness of an individual, such as the terra-cotta and bronze heads from Ife, as well as the ako second-burial effigies that mark the last symbolic appearance of a deceased ancestor among the living (fig. 5). Sculptures placed on altars to communicate with the òrìsà, or the spirits of dead ancestors, are often intentionally stylized to emphasize their non-material state of existence, even if they have a human essence. 4 The importance of the head is apparent in both naturalistic and stylized representations, not only through its size but also through the detailed and elaborate treatment of the coiffure, which often rises like a crown, proclaiming the head's lordship over the body.
Art and Language of Yoruba Hairstyles
The Yoruba sometimes refer to Homo sapiens as Eda, Omo Adáríhurun (Humanity, the species that grows hair mainly on the head), partly because the human body is not covered with hair like that of the lower animals, and partly because the hair that grows on the lower part of the abdomen is usually covered by dress. As such, only the hair on the human head and face is noticeable. The hair on the head (irun Orí) is often likened to a grove that must be well maintained to hallow the sanctuary that the physical head constitutes for the Ori Inu, the inner head. This is why Yoruba women have traditionally regarded hairdressing as a mark of honor to the inner head (Araba 1978:8), apart from its social significance, which will be discussed below.
As mentioned earlier, the Yoruba creation myth identifies the human body as a work of art produced by the artist-deity Obatala. One implication of the myth is that the human body encapsulates àse, the special power that continually inspires and sustains the human "will to adorn," as well as the creativity manifest in the visual, performing, and applied arts. It is responsible for transforming much of what was once a wilderness into the civilization it is today (Lawal 1996:23-24). It is pertinent to note that the Yoruba word for civilization is òlàjú, which can be broken up etymologically as o-là = to cut, ojú = face/head, that is, "to give the earth a human face." 5 In other words, the Yoruba have not only redesigned their habitat, they have personified the earth as a beauty-conscious goddess whose cognomen is Ilè, Ogere, A f'oko yeri (Earth, the goddess who combs her hair with a hoe), an allusion to the farming and building activities that continually shape and reshape the human environment (Verger 1966:35, Adeoye 1989:359).
The earth, as a goddess, is thought to have two aspects, the hard (negative) and the soft (positive). These are represented by paired male and female figures, respectively (Lawal 1995: 41-47). The town (ilú) denotes the ordered, cultured, and predictable, and the jungle (igbó) the unordered, uncultivated, and unpredictable. 6 By the same token, a sloppily dressed person is ridiculed as ara oko (literally bush creature), unkempt hair is likened to a jungle, and the individual concerned is easily mistaken for a psychopath. To be socially acceptable is to be well groomed, paying special attention to one's behavior, clothes, and hair. This accounts for the emphasis on appearance in Yoruba culture. It is believed that taking good care of one's hair is an indirect way of currying favor with one's Ori Inu. Thus, the Yoruba have created a wide range of hairstyles that not only reflect the primacy of the head but also communicate taste, status, occupation, and power, both temporal and spiritual. The richness of the tradition can be gleaned from Yoruba masks and figure sculptures that will be used to illustrate the major styles, though they are often idealized in art for aesthetic reasons.
In the past, the parents of a new baby often consulted a diviner on the third day after its birth to find out, among other things, the nature of the baby's inner head and what should be done to preserve a good destiny or to rectify a bad one. This ceremony is called imori (know the head) or ikose waye (the first steps on earth) (Idowu 1995:192). To formally welcome the baby to the world of the living (Ilé Ayé), there is a naming ceremony on the seventh or ninth day after its birth during which its head is completely shaved. 7 Until the ceremony, the baby is often addressed as Omo titun, alejò ayé (New baby, a stranger to the physical world). Babies born with knotted or curly hair are considered sacred and are automatically given the name Dàda or Ekine. Partly because they are thought to be special gifts from the orisa and partly because their knots of hair are likened to cowrie shells (money), these children are thought to attract wealth to their parents, 8 as indicated in this Dàda's panegyric (oriki): 9
Dàda Awuru ...
The one who wears a crown of money
The one who wears an embroidered dress
The one who carries a leaded staff of office
You carry a big crown of money to the market.
[author's translation] (Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:43)
A Dàda's head is not shaved during the naming ceremonies because it is believed that the knotted hair has special powers. The hair may be washed but must not be combed. As Marilyn Houlberg has noted, the "heads of Dàda children are shaved only under special ritual conditions. The act of head-shaving may be said to mark the incorporation of the already sacred child into the world of the living" (Houlberg 1979:377). Like Dàda, twins (ibeji) are also regarded as sacred because of their unusual birth. Their heads too are usually not shaved during their naming ceremonies, although it is done at a later date. In some areas of Yorubaland, especially among the Ijebu, the heads of twins are painted with special designs during the ritual that initiates them into the cult of twins (ibid.:379).
As a male child grows older, the head is shaved clean (irun fifa korodo) about once a month or when it appears overgrown. Sometimes the back and sides of the head are shaved, leaving a strip of hair called jongori running from the front to the occiput. A patch of hair left on the crown is called osu. Young girls, on the other hand, are usually allowed to wear their hair long, though it is knotted or braided into designs similar to those worn by maidens and older women. Identical hairstyles easily identify a pair, male or female, as twins. By and large, parents endeavor to keep their children's hair as clean and decent as possible, because it is they who will be accused of negligence if a child's hair looks unkempt.
Fig. 9
(a,b,c)
Except for occupational or ritual reasons, most males shave their head, moustache, and chin until old age, when gray hair (ewu) and beard (irugbon) are considered marks of experience, wisdom, and maturity, as reflected in the popular saying Ewu l'ogbo, irungbon l'agba, mamu l'afojudi (Gray hair bespeaks old age, the beard bespeaks maturity, the moustache betrays insolence). Certain hairstyles, however, may indicate social status or unusual power. For example, instead of sporting the common jongori (the strip of hair in the middle of the head that runs from the front to the back), young princes as well as the children of the rich may wear the ààso, which consists of three round patches of hair arranged in the front, center, and back of the head. Another variation of the ààso identifies powerful hunters and warriors, especially the èsó (leaders of the military guards) (Adeoye 1979:164). Called ààso oluode, it is a patch of hair growing on a spot in the middle of the head into which potent medicine has been infused to empower the body both physically and spiritually. More often, this patch of hair is braided into a knot (fig. 6), and may be made to hang down on the left side of the head (fig. 7). In order to accommodate the hair, some hunters and warriors wear a long, pouch-like cap called àdìrò, which is also used to store small charms. As a result, the cap hangs heavily on the left side of the head, almost touching the shoulder (for illustration, see Picton 1994:fig. 1.3). Another peculiar male hairstyle, called ifari apakan, leaves the head half-shaved. It can identify an individual as a member of the Aragberi clan, a branch of the Aresa royal house of the Old Oyo Empire whose leaders were noted for their deep knowledge of herbal medicine and magical charms (Adeoye 1979: 165-66). It has another important meaning as well, which will be discussed below.
While most males shave their heads, females, young and old, are expected to keep their hair very long. The head of a female initiate or patient, however, may be shaved to allow ritual substances to be rubbed onto or incised into the scalp. Otherwise, a majority of Yoruba women fashion their hair into an assortment of crown-like designs (sometimes adorned with colorful beads) both to honor their inner head and in keeping with the popular adage Irun l'ewa obinrin (The hair adds to a woman's beauty). There are three principal methods of shaping the hair: (a) loose weave (irun biba), a casual and temporary parting and knotting into big buns or cornrows until the styling can be done by a professional; (b) tight weave (irun didi), a detailed plaiting of the hair into intricate designs; and (c) the relatively recent practice of binding (irun kiko), using a black thread to tie strands of hair into filaments that are then gathered to form intricate designs (Daramola and Jeje 1975:90).10
Being a temporary measure, the loose weave (irun biba) is usually covered with a scarf or head tie, although it may be left uncovered indoors. Since hair binding (irun kiko) is a relatively recent development, it will be discussed below in the section dealing with more contemporary issues. The following section will focus on the tight weave or braid (irun didi). This has innumerable variations but space limitations will not allow a description of all the substyles, so only the most prevalent ones will be highlighted.
One popular style of irun didi is called sùkú (knotted hair), because all the braids terminate in a short or long knot (sùkú) on the crown or back of the head (figs. 8 and 10). Another is known as kolese (without legs), because all the braids start in the front and terminate separately or in a knot at the back of the head, very close to the neck (fig. 9a). With the ipako elede (pig's occiput) style, all the braids start from the back, terminating in rolls in front of the head (fig. 9b). In the panumo (close your mouth) style, one set of braids starts from the back and another set from the front, both terminating separately and leaving a gap in the middle of the head (fig. 11). A variation of this design has braids starting from both sides of the head and terminating in scrolls on top of the head, leaving a gap in the middle (fig. 9c). In the style called ojompeti (rain falling on the ears), braids of various sizes run across the head, ending in small rolls or knots near the ears (figs. 12 and 13). To create the koroba (bucket) style, all the braids radiate from a point on the occiput, terminating in the front, sides, and back of the head, enclosing it like a vessel (fig. 27). In the agògo (cockscomb), one of the most conspicuous Yoruba hairstyles (figs. 15, 14, 16, 19, and 20), the hair is parted into three sections, two on the sides of the head and one in the center; the side braids are in low relief, while the central one forms a crest that runs from the back to the front of the head. Sometimes the hair is parted into front, middle, and back sections, so that the central crest runs laterally from ear to ear, as in the ojompeti style.
In the past, one could easily tell from a woman's hairstyle whether or not she was married. Spinsters wore simpler forms of the ojompeti, ipako elede, or koroba styles. Brides and housewives, on the other hand, sported more intricate versions of the agògo and panumo styles. Wives of kings (olorì) frequently distinguished themselves in public with elaborate versions of the sùkú style with a long knot in the middle of the head (see Johnson 1921:101, 125, Talbot 1926:412, and Houlberg 1979:368-69). Since these hairstyles can be found practically all over Yorubaland, it is difficult to discuss them strictly in terms of regional emphasis, although a particular style may be more popular in one area than another. For example, the agògo style is particularly visible in northern Yorubaland, especially among the Oyo. As a result, some scholars have suggested that the Oyo might have adapted the style along with others from the Fulani or Hausa, among whom it is also popular and with whom the Oyo have had several centuries of cultural exchanges (Ladele 1986:203). Women in the coastal area, especially in the Ijebu-speaking towns, were in the past fond of dividing their hair into two parts or more and braiding them into horn-like projections (Johnson 1921:101, Talbot 1926:412). In eastern Yorubaland, especially at Owo, the women sometimes divide their hair into three or more large buns arranged in front of the head like a coronet. On ceremonial or ritual occasions, the buns may be adorned with small combs, beads, or the red tail feather of the parrot (for illustration, see Abiodun 1989:94, plate 94).
In general, a woman's hair may reflect her state of mind or important phases in her life, such as the naming ceremony of a new child, chieftaincy installations, marriage, and the various festivals in honor of the òrìsà. In the past, a widow was required to undo her braids, leave her hair disheveled, and remain indoors until the completion of her husband's funeral rites, which may last about three months. At the end of the mourning period, her head would be shaved clean to mark a symbolic separation from her deceased husband and a return to normal life (Daramola and Jeje 1975:153). Although Yoruba burial customs vary from area to area, in most cases the head of the corpse, male or female, traditionally was shaved clean before burial.
Hair, Religion, and Spirituality
Yoruba religion is organized into a number of cults, each with distinct artistic symbols, shrines, and priests dedicated to a particular òrìsà. Membership of a given cult is determined by a number of factors, such as being born into a priest's family, being fascinated with its public ceremonies, or because of the high reputation enjoyed by an òrìsà for solving personal problems ranging from impotence, infertility, and chronic illness to recurrent misfortunes. The initiation of a priest involves the shaving and treatment of the head with herbal preparations that sensitize it to the signals from the òrìsà. Henceforth, the individual must not carry a load on the head except objects sacred to the òrìsà. Frequently, a round patch of hair (osu) is allowed to grow in the center or front part of the head (fig. 18). But more often the head is left unshaved and then braided, regardless of sex. Èsù priests wear their osu like a pigtail, called Erè, which characterizes many Èsù staff figures (figs. 17 and 21).
A special category of male and female priests serves as spirit mediums for certain òrìsà such as Sàngó (thunder) and Soponna (smallpox). The female body is said to be ideal for this phenomenon, primarily because of the resilience that allows it to bear children without serious injury. Thus the initiation process metaphorically converts a male priest's body into a female's to facilitate the manifestation of the òrìsà in it during possession. In this context both male and female priests are called iyawo. Although this term means "wife" in ordinary usage, here it has no sexual implication but merely identifies the priest as a special confidant who ensures a regular offering of sacrifices to an òrìsà in much the same way that a beloved wife caters to her husband. This is one of the reasons why such priests wear patently female hairstyles such as the agògo, sùkú, koroba, and kolese (see figs. 10 and 9a). To reinforce the "priest/wife" metaphor, male Sàngó priests often wear a bante (long skirt) that is essentially an elaborate form of a female tobi (underwear).
The priest's female hairstyle has a symbolic significance as well. The Yoruba word for possession is gùn, meaning "to ascend," indicating that an òrìsà is figuratively "enthroned" on a priest's head, transforming it into a crown (ade). This imagery is evident in the beaded fringes attached to an Osun priestess's suku hairstyle, which recalls a royal crown (for illustrations see Apter 1992: plates 5 and 7). Also crown-like is a special cowrie-embroidered headgear with veil called báyànni (fig. 22) (sometimes replaced by a beaded hat with fringes) worn by Sàngó priests, which identifies them when possessed as Sàngó incarnate (for illustration, see Drewal and Mason 1998: plate 55).
It should be emphasized that the female hairstyle does not always transform a male priest into a "wife." Neither is it entirely confined to possession priests. 11 From the different interpretations that I collected in the field, it is apparent that cross-dressing in Yoruba religion has multiple, although related, layers of meaning. According to some informants, cross-dressing attempts to harness the spiritual dynamics that abide in male-female complementarity, a phenomenon also apparent in the pairing of male-female figures in Èsù, Ifá, Ògbóni, and Orò ritual symbols (see Lawal 1995).
Although not subject to possession as a professional priest is, the Oba is viewed as a living embodiment of Oduduwa, who is widely regarded as the progenitor of the Yoruba and the founder of divine kingship at Ile-Ife. During the installation rites, the head of a new king is shaved and washed with spiritual ingredients. Thereafter the king must not place anything on his head except the crown, whose conical form recalls both the ibori (see fig. 3) and the suku hairstyle worn by some òrìsà priests, emphasizing the king's dual role as ruler and the nominal head of all the òrìsà cults in his domain. Some kings wore a patch of hair on the head, like an ordinary priest (Euba 1985:8). A female presence is suggested by the bird motif on the crown. This motif is commonly associated with àse in Yoruba iconography, and identifies the king as the wielder of a special àse. It also alludes to the mystical powers of women, which the king is expected to harness for the public good (see Thompson 1972: 253-54 and Babayemi 1986:13). In the past, a king seldom appeared in public, and when he did, his face was partly concealed by the crown. However, there are some exceptions to this convention. At Òwò, for example, the king (Olówò) appears in public with his face uncovered during the annual Igogo festival in memory of an ancient queen, Oronse, who disappeared under mysterious circumstances, leaving her head tie behind. The wearing of hat or head tie is forbidden in the town during this festival and here the king appears in public with his hair braided and adorned with red parrot tail feathers (fig. 23) (for other illustrations, see Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989:17, plate 4, and Poynor 1995:34).
Since masks and altar sculptures mediate between the human and the spirit worlds, they are usually adorned with priestly hairstyles favored by a given òrìsà cult. However, the hairstyle on a figure or mask is normally determined by the carver, who has discretion over bodily details unless given specific instructions by a client. Statuettes dedicated to deceased twins (ere ibeji) also display priestly hairstyles, partly to honor the departed soul and partly to reflect the popular belief that the souls of twins run errands for the òrìsà, particularly for Sàngó, the thunder deity.
Hair, Politics, and Power
Such is the importance of hair in Yoruba religion that it is also used to reinforce political power. In many parts of Yorubaland, the messengers of the Oba sport special hairstyles to identify them in public.
A royal messenger (ilari) usually undergoes a special ritual during which his head is infused with charms to ensure his loyalty, to give him the confidence and courage to carry out the king's orders, and to instill in the public, on seeing any of the king's messengers, the fear of his sacred power. After the ritual, the hair is allowed to grow, before one side is shaved to indicate ilari status. A royal messenger is most often recognizable by his half-shaved head (ifari apakan), 12 although they are easily confused with members of the Aragberi clan, who wear a similar style. A telling difference lies in the fact that the latter may put on hats, if they choose, whereas the royal messengers must leave their heads uncovered when on duty to ensure instant public recognition.
While the ifari apakan style is most common for this office, there are regional variations of this hairstyle. In most of southwestern and eastern Yorubaland, the royal messengers simply shave half of the head (sometimes alternately) every cycle of four days (which constitutes the Yoruba week). At Ila-Orangun, court messengers wear only a round patch on the crown of a clean-shaven head (Houlberg 1979:373, plate 23). In northern Yorubaland, especially in Oyo, the cultural center of this area, the messenger's head is normally shaved alternately every fifth day, leaving a circular patch on the crown that is allowed to grow long, dyed with indigo, and braided into a crest (fig. 24) (Johnson 1921:62). But in Iganna, to the southwest of Oyo, the ilari sometimes wear the braid in the middle of the head (fig. 25).
It is important to note the similarities between Èsù (the divine messenger) and the ilari, or emese (another term for the royal messenger). 13 Èsù altar figures are sometimes adorned with a cap with a different color on each side (illustrated in Pemberton 1975:20-27), recalling the half-shaved head of royal messengers. Some Èsù priests wear the same hairstyle. This two-sided motif epitomizes the liminal status of the messenger as a catalytic agent of àse. Also note the parallel between the pigtail or vertical, phallic hair of many Èsù staff figures and the braided crest of some royal messengers (compare figs. 17 and 24). Both projections allude to higher powers from above. On the one hand, Èsù mediates between humanity and the òrìsà, and between the òrìsà and Olodumare. On the other, the court messenger links the Oba and his subjects, and one kingdom with another. In precolonial times, royal messengers played crucial roles in Yoruba politics, not only because of the absolute loyalty that the initiation rituals demanded of them, but also because their specific hairstyles gave them some measure of diplomatic immunity. To assault or kill a royal messenger was a tacit declaration of war on the kingdom he or she represented.
In the heyday of the Old Oyo Empire, between the late seventeenth and early nineteenth centuries, court messengers served as the king's bodyguards, intelligence officers, land arbitrators, and ambassadors to vassal states (Olaniyan 1975:305-6). Each ilari had a special name, which expressed either the divine power of the king or his intention or disposition on a particular issue. In effect, the mere announcement of a messenger's name automatically delivered the gist of the message, so that the ilari's hairstyle served as a prima facie emblem of authenticity. However, some ilari were required to carry a staff of office (usually a beaded staff surmounted by a bird or equestrian figure motif) when going on important interstate missions, or when representing the king at coronation ceremonies in other parts of the Old Oyo Empire and beyond. 14 The use of the beaded staff to authenticate royal messages continues in different parts of Yorubaland today, even in areas where the messengers no longer wear special hairstyles.
Although active worship of the inner head (Ori Inu), and related art forms, has declined in recent years due to the negative impact of Islam, Christianity, and Western-ization, the belief that the inner head determines one's fortunes in life has not been totally abandoned. In fact, the enormity of the problems of survival in the modern era is such that Yoruba converts to Islam and Christianity -literate and nonliterate-often fall back on the indigenous methods of managing stress. Many still patronize herbalists, diviners, and soothsayers in times of crisis, especially after all the newly introduced Western remedies have failed (see Dopamu 1979:3-20 and Abimbola 1991:51-58). Prayers in churches and mosques still recognize the important role that the inner head can play in helping an individual negotiate the complexity and competitiveness of modern living. The contemporary Yoruba musician Sunny Ade sums up the situation in this popular song released in 1982:
My head, please, fight for me, my spirit, please fight, fight for me
My father's head, fight, fight for me, my mother's head, fight, fight for me
Because the Blue Touraco's head fights for the Blue Touraco, the head of the Aluko bird fights,
oh. . . .
My Creator, don't forget me, please, it is better that you fight, oh. (Waterman 1990: 144)
The emphasis on the head continues in contemporary Yoruba art, though its forms, functions, and contexts are changing. The introduction of Western hairdressing tools, techniques, and materials at the beginning of the twentieth century, coupled with the influence of the mass media, has encouraged the adoption of foreign hairstyles, which now exist side-by-side with the indigenous ones-all reflecting the dynamics of change in Yorubaland. The availability of scissors and hand clippers (manual and electric) now makes it possible for a male to have his hair cut down and shaped into various styles, instead of the clean or partial shave necessitated by the use of razors during the precolonial era. Professional barbers now post assorted designs for the customer to choose from. Most of the new designs are made by commercial artists who copy them from foreign publications, especially fashion magazines (fig. 26). Each style has a name that either describes itself, such as "cockscomb," or conjures up the exotic, such as "San Francisco" or "Oklahoma." In some cases the name may identify the celebrity who initiated or popularized a given style. For instance, the low cut called "Joe Louis" was very popular in the 1940s because it was the trademark of the then-reigning world heavyweight boxing champion. The styles in vogue between the 1950s and the 1970s included "Elvis Presley," "John Kennedy," "James Brown," and "Afro." Since then, other styles have been added, some influenced by local celebrities and topical events. They include "udoji" (commemorating the huge salary increase for Nigerian workers in the 1970s), "bonsue" and "na-poi" (popular dance styles from Ghana), and "apola" (giant size). A recent influence from Jamaica's Rastafarian movement has led some young men and women to wear the dreadlocks and matted hair popularized by reggae music superstars such as the late Bob Marley-a phenomenon previously associated with Dàda children, making it difficult now to tell who is a real Dàda.
Although the traditional hairstyles continue to enjoy popularity among most Yoruba women, Western influences crept in during the colonial period (c.1900-1960), when many educated ladies shampooed or stretched their hair in imitation of fashionable Western coiffures. In the 1960s and 1970s, wigs of assorted designs, especially the Afro, imported from the United States, became fashionable. The crude oil boom in Nigeria in the 1970s and early 1980s stimulated a great deal of economic, industrial, cultural, and artistic development all over the country. In Yorubaland it inspired new female hairstyles characterized by the use of black thread (owu dudu) to create intricate and high-rising coils and arches that evoke the social mood and landmarks of the period. Created by commercial artists, each design had a name, such as "Eko Bridge" (a curvilinear network of bridges in Lagos; see fig. 26), "Cocoa House" (a skyscraper in Ibadan), "Stadium" (the National Stadium, Lagos), "high profile" (social visibility), an alternate form of "udoji" (salary increase for workers), and "FESTAC" (National Theatre, Lagos). 15 The publication of these styles in pamphlets has not only helped to standardize some of the designs, but has also facilitated their diffusion to other parts of Africa, the Caribbean, the United States, and Brazil.
In view of the common saying Ori buruku ko gbose; Ayanmo o gbogun (A bad head cannot be washed clean with magical soap; destiny cannot be altered with charms), one might be led to assume that an individual is powerless against the fate supposedly assigned to him or her before birth. Yet a close reading of the Yoruba notion of the inner head reveals the contrary. According to a divination verse, Iwa nikan l'o soro; Ori kan kii buru l'Otu Ife (It is character that matters; there is no recognizably bad head in Otu-Ife city) (Idowu 1995:161). A popular adage puts it differently: Eni l'ori rere ti ko n'iwa, iwa l'o ma ba ori re je (Even if someone is born with a good head, but lacks good character, this shortcoming will spoil his or her good head) (Fajana 1966:25; see also Lawal 1974:241). In other words, since all the inner heads made by the heavenly potter Ajalamopin look alike, and since one's destiny is concealed, it is difficult to differentiate a good head from a bad one. So one should strive in life to improve one's worth and character. One Yoruba proverb puts it succinctly: Owó ara eni l'a fi í tun iwa eni se (It is up to an individual to make the best of his or her existence and character) (Ajibola 1978:31). A similar message is evident in the emphasis on the head in Yoruba art, since making headway in life depends, for the most part, on how well you utilize your head:
If I have money
It is my Ori [Head] I will praise
My Ori, it is you
If I have children on earth
It is my Ori to whom I will give praise
My Ori, it is you
All the good things I have on earth
It is Ori I will praise
My Ori, it is you
(Abimbola 1976:133-34).So it is that both the traditional and contemporary Yoruba hairstyles, along with various headgears, glorify the head, not only to enhance appearance and reinforce identity but to acknowledge the vital role the head plays in the quest for a successful life.
This article is dedicated to the memory of Dr. Roy Sieber.
This essay is excerpted from Hair in African Art and Culture (2000), edited by Roy Sieber and Frank Herreman and published by the Museum for African Art in New York in association with Prestel. It is reprinted here by permission. This volume was assembled to accompany an exhibition of the same title organized by the MAA that recently toured the United States.
Notes
[1] The Yoruba word Olu (lord), a synonym for "head," is a title borne by the governors of small Yoruba towns. Hence some Yoruba translate Oluwa, another name for the Supreme Being, as "Our Overall Head." See Mustapha, Ajayi, and Amoo 1986:14. [back]
[2] Since the Yoruba word for fate is ipin; Ajalamopin means "Ajala, the molder of heads concealing a person's fate." Ajalamopin is also known as Ajala Alamo, "Ajala, the potter." [back]
[3] Orilonise is an abbreviation of the saying Orilonise, Eda Layanmo (The head determines one's lot in life; human potentials are predetermined). [back]
[4] For more on this, see Cordwell 1953:220-25, Abiodun 1976, and Lawal 1977: 50-61. [back]
[5] For other implications of the face in Yoruba art, see Lawal 1985:100-101. [back]
[6] A similar town/jungle, wilderness/civilization dichotomy has been noted in other African cultures. See, for instance, Vogel 1997:46. [back]
[7] Generally, a baby girl is named on the seventh day, a baby boy on the ninth day. There are some variations, however. In Ile-Ife, for instance, a girl is named on the sixth day and a boy on the seventh day. See Bascom 1969:56. [back]
[8] For more on this category of children, see Sowande and Ajanaku 1969:43-44, Houlberg 1979:375-78, and Drewal, Pemberton, and Abiodun 1989:26. [back]
[9] The literal translation of the term oriki is "head-praise." It is a chant addressed to the "Inner head" (Ori Inu) of a person, and is meant to inspire that person to live up to expectations. [back]
[10] Hair binding with thread (irun kiko) is also known as irun olowu (binding with thread). [back]
[11] The female hairstyle is also common among the priests of Orisa Agemo (associated with the spiritual well-being of the Ijebu Yoruba), who are not normally possessed by the orisa. See Margaret T. Drewal 1992:131-32, plates 7.2 and 7.3. [back]
[12] At Ijebu Ode, the royal messengers are called odi. [back]
[13] For a detailed analysis of these similarities, see Houlberg 1979:382-91. [back]
[14] According to Johnson 1921:468, Obakosetan, one of the Oyo king's senior ilari, carried as his staff of office a leather fan with red and green embroidery. [back]
[15] The National Theatre in Iganmu, Lagos, was specially constructed to host FESTAC, the "Second World Festival of Black Arts and Culture," held in Nigeria in February 1977. For illustrations of some of these hairstyles, see Akinnuoye (n.d.); for an excellent analysis of some of them, see Houlberg 1979. [back]
References
Abimbola, Wande. "The Yoruba Concept of Human Personality," in La Notion de Personne en Afrique Noire. Paris: Colloques Internationaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 544. 1971.
---. Ifa: An Exposition of Ifa Literary Corpus. Ibadan, Nigeria: Oxford University Press, 1976.
---. "The Place of Traditional Religion in Contemporary Africa: The Yoruba Example," in African Traditional Religion in Contemporary Society, edited by Jacob K. Olupona. New York: Paragon House, 1991, pp. 51-58.
Abiodun, Rowland. "A Reconsideration of the Function of Ako, Second Burial Effigy in Owo," in Africa, vol. 46, no. 1, 1976, pp. 4-20.
---. "Verbal and Visual Metaphors in Yoruba Ritualistic Art of the Ori," in Ife: Annals of the Institute of African Studies, no. 1, 1986,
pp. 8-39.
Adeoye, C. Laogun. Asa ati Ise Yoruba. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 1979.
---. Igbagbo ati Esin Yoruba, Ibadan, Nigeria: Evans Brothers, 1989.
Ajibola, J.O. Owe Yoruba. Ibadan, Nigeria: Afican University Press, Ltd., 1978.
Akinnuoye, Susan. Nigerian Hairstyles. Ibadan, Nigeria: Sketch Publishing Company, n.d.
Alade, M. "Ori, Ipin ati Kadara, Apa Kini," in Olokun no. 10, 1972, pp. 8-10.
Apter, Andrew. Black Critics and Kings: The Hermanutics of Power in Yoruba Society. Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 1992.
Araba, Oloye Ajanaku. "Ero ati Igbagbo Awon Yoruba Nipa Olorun," in Iwe Asa Iblie Yoruba, edited by Oludare Olajubu. Lagos, Nigeria: Longman, 1978, pp. 1-11.
Babayemi, Solomon. "Oyo Palace Organization: Past and Present," in African Notes, vol. 10, no. 1, 1986, pp. 4-24.
Bascom, William. The Yoruba of Southwestern Nigeria. New York: Holt Rinehart and Winston, 1969.
Cordwell, Justine M. "Naturalism and Stylization in Yoruba Art," in Magazine of Art, vol. 46, 1953, pp. 220-225.
Darmola, Olu and A. Jeje. Awon Asa ati Orisa Ile Yoruba. Ibadan, Nigeria: Onibonoje Press and Book Industries, 1975.
Dos Santos, Juana E. and Descoredes Dos Santos. "Esu Bara: Principle of Individual Life in the Nago System," in La Notion de Personne en Afrique Noire, Paris: Colloques Internatinaux du Centre National de la Recherche Scientifique, no. 544, 1971.
Drewal, Henry J. and John Mason. Beads, Body and Soul: Art, Light in the Yoruba Universe. Los Angeles: UCLA Fowler Museum of Cultural History, 1998.
Drewal, Henry J., John Pemberton, and Rowland Abiodun. Yoruba: Nine Centuries of African Art and Thought. New York: The Center for African Art and Harry N. Abrams Publishers Inc., 1989.
Drewal, Margaret T. Yoruba Ritual: Performers, Play, Agency. Bloomington: Indiana University Press, 1992.
Dopamu, P.A. "Yoruba Magic and Medicine and their Relevance for Today," in Journal of the Nigerian Association of Religious Studies, vol. 4, 1979, pp. 3-20.
Euba, Titi. "The Ooni of Ife's Are Crown and the Concept of Divine Head," in Nigeria Magazine, vol. 53, no. 1. 1985, pp. 1-18.
Fajana, A. "Some Aspects of Yoruba Traditional Education," in Odu, University of Ife Journal of African Studies, vol. 3, no. 1, 1996, pp. 16-28.
Houlberg, Marilyn. "Social Hair: Yoruba Hairstyles in Southwestern Nigeria," in Fabrics of Culture: The Anthropology of Clothing and Adornment, edited by Justine M. Cordwell and Ronald A. Schwarz, The Hague, Mouton Publishers, 1979, pp. 349-397.
Idowu, E. Bolaji. Olodumare: God in Yoruba Belief. New York: Original Publications, 1995.
Johnson, Samuel. The History of the Yorubas. Lagos, Nigeria: CMS Bookshops, 1921.
Ladele, T.A.A. Akojopo Iwadi Ijinle Asa Yoruba. Lagos, Nigeria: Macmillan Nigeria Publishers Ltd., 1986.
Lawal, Babatunde. "The Living Dead: Art and Immortality Among the Yoruba of Nigeria," in Africa, vol. 47, no. 1, 1977, pp. 50-61.
---. "Ori: The Significance of the Head in Yoruba Sculpture," in The Journal of Anthropological Research, vol. 41, no. 1, 1985, pp. 91-103.
---. "A Ya gbo, A Ya To: New Perspective on Edan Ogboni," in African Arts, vol. 28, no. 1, 1995, pp. 36-49, 98-100.
---. The Gelede Spectacle: Art, Gender, and Social Harmony in African Culture. Seattle and London: University of Washington Press, 1996.
Mustapha, Oyebamiji, Dele Ajayi, and Adebisi Amoo. Osupa Ede Yoruba, vol. 2. Lagos, Nigeria: Nelson Publishers Ltd., 1986.
Okemuyiwa, Gbolahan and Ademola Fabunmi. "Ori," in Orunmila, no. 4, 1989, pp. 15-20.
Ojo, G.J. Afolabi. Yoruba Culture: A Geographic Analysis. London and Nigeria: University of Ife and University of London Press, 1966.
Olaniyan, Richard. "Elements of Yoruba Traditional Diplomacy: An Assessment," in Yoruba Oral Tradition, edited by Wande Abimbola, Ile-Ife, Nigeria, 1975, pp. 293-332.
Pemberton, John. "Eshu-Elegba: The Yoruba Trickster God," in African Arts, vol. 9, no. 1, 1975, pp. 20-27, 66-70, 90-91.
Picton, John. "Art, Identity, and Identification," in The Yoruba Artist: New Theoretical Perspectives on African Arts, edited by Rowland Abiodun, Henry J. Drewal, and John Pemberton. Washington and London: Smithsonian Institution Press, 1994.
Poynor, Robin. Spirit's Eyes, Human Hands: African Art at the Harn Museum. Gainesville, University Press of Florida, 1995.
Sowande, Fela and Fagbemi Ajanaku. Oruko Amutorunwa. Ibadan, Nigeria: Oxford University Press, 1969.
Talbot, P. Amaury. The Peoples of Southern Nigeria, vol. 2. London, Oxford University Press, 1926.
Thompson, Robert Farris. "The Sign of the Divine King: Yoruba Bead Embroidered Crowns with Veil and Bird Decorations," in African Art and Leadership, edited by Douglas Fraser and Herbert M. Cole. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1972, pp. 227-260.
Verger, Pierre. "The Yorubal High God: A Review of the Sources," in Odu, University of Ife Journal of African Studies, vol. 2, no. 2, 1966, pp. 19-40.
Vogel, Susan. Baule: African Art/Western Eyes. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1997.
Waterman, Christopher. Juju: A Social History and Ethnography of an African Popular Music. Chicago, University of Chicago Press, 1990.
[top]
