
Lying
off the coast of Southeast Asia, Borneo is the largest island of the
great Malay archipelago that stretches eastward from Southeast Asia
to the western tip of New Guinea. Covered by dense tropical rainforest,
this enormous island, roughly twice the size of the British Isles,
is divided between the modern nations of Indonesia, Malaysia, and
the oil-rich sultanate of Brunei. Europeans first encountered this
land in 1521, when members of Ferdinand Magellan's expedition made
a brief stop at Brunei, but the island remained largely unexplored
by Europeans until the latter half of the nineteenth century. Today,
the cities of the coast are predominantly Islamic, and the indigenous
peoples live deep in the interior.
Borneo is home to a number
of distinct artistic traditions. Of these, the Kenyah-Kayan tradition
is among the most aesthetically accomplished. Named for the Kenyah
and Kayan peoples among whom it originated, it is found among the
Kenyah, Kayan, Bahau, Modang, and related groups in the interior of
Borneo, although some of its stylistic influences extend as far as
the coast. Kenyah-Kayan art is characterized by a sinuous blending
of plant and animal forms that often brings to mind Norse or Celtic
art of Europe. Kenyah-Kayan artists work in a variety of media ranging
from indigenous materials such as wood and the ivory-like hornbill
casque to imported glass beads from sources as distant as Italy, Britain,
and Bohemia. Both sexes contribute to the artistic life of the community.
Men traditionally work materials such as wood, antler, and metal.
Women work in beads and fiber. Most surviving examples from the classic
period of Kenyah-Kayan art date from the late nineteenth to the mid-twentieth
century, although some pieces may be much earlier. While some Kenyah-Kayan
art forms, particularly those associated with warfare, are no longer
produced, others, including carving and beadwork, continue. Although
Christianity has become widespread in the interior, masking traditions
persist, and many young mothers still carry their children in distinctive
beaded baby carriers adorned with designs that afford protection from
harmful spirits.
Death and Life in the Longhouse
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Most of the indigenous peoples
of Borneo live in massive communal structures known as longhouses.
Essentially a village under a single roof, a longhouse can be up to
300 yards in length and house dozens of individual families. Inside
the longhouse, each family lives in a separate apartment or amin set
along a central corridor that serves as the village "street." Kenyah-Kayan
society is traditionally divided into several hereditary social classes:
high chiefs, minor nobility, commoners, and, formerly, slaves. Within
the longhouse community, gender roles are conspicuous. Women were,
and are, largely responsible for rice agriculture and child rearing,
while men, until the early twentieth century, carried on warfare and
headhunting. In the Kenyah-Kayan worldview, all of these activities
brought life and vitality to the community. Though acquired through
the death of an enemy, heads were the sustainers of life. Displayed
in the longhouse gallery and kept "comfortable" with their own fire,
enemy skulls were believed to bring health and prosperity to the village
and fertility to its rice fields.1
The Spirit World
The imagery
of Kenyah-Kayan art abounds with fearsome, otherworldly creatures.
They appear on everything, from the massive wooden beams of the longhouse
to the delicately carved ornamentation of warriors' swords. These
monstrous beings protect the individual and community by driving off
dangerous spirits. The Kenyah-Kayan cosmos is divided into an Upperworld
and an Underworld populated by gods and spirits. While the gods have
little involvement with daily life, the forests and rivers are home
to an abundance of spirits that interfere constantly in human affairs.2
Left unprotected, the longhouse community might easily be invaded
by spirits bearing ill luck, disease, and even death. Points of transition,
whether spatial or physical, are particularly dangerous places. The
symbolic and physical entrances from life to death or exterior to
interior through which humans pass can also be used by spirits. Spirits
may enter the longhouse through a door, for example, and bring sickness
to the living or attack the vulnerable souls of the newly dead. To
repel these malevolent spirits, Kenyah-Kayan artists adorn both the
longhouse and its occupants with images of powerful supernatural guardians.
Like the gargoyles on medieval cathedrals, dragon-like creatures stare
out from the roof, walls, and doors of the longhouse. Clothing, ornaments,
utilitarian objects, and the coffins and graves of the dead are also
embellished with protective images. In Kenyah-Kayan cosmology, the
representation of these powerful creatures in art is more than symbolic.
It serves to invoke the creature itself in a very literal sense, placing
it within its image and with it, its protective powers.
Guardian Figures
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The entrances to Kenyah-Kayan
villages and longhouses are especially vulnerable to supernatural
attack. To deflect spirits, particularly those bringing sickness,
the Kenyah-Kayan place imposing guardian figures, known as uyat, around
the longhouse entrances and along the paths leading up to the village.
These figures take both human and animal forms. The posts and ladders
at the entrance itself bear similar imagery.3
Facial features such as eyes and teeth are emphasized, producing a
vigorous, aggressive appearance designed to intimidate both hostile
spirits and enemy raiding parties.
Even today, rivers serve as
the primary means of transportation in the interior, and, like humans,
sickness-bearing spirits travel by river. In former times, new figures
were erected between the longhouse and the river at news of an approaching
epidemic. These freshly carved images were consecrated through the
sacrifice of pigs and fowl. During the ritual, each member of the
community applied a small amount of pig or chicken blood to the figures,
simultaneously empowering them and bringing them to life.4
Aso: The "Dog-Dragon"
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An omnipresent motif in Kenyah-Kayan
art is the aso, or "dog-dragon." Although the name literally means
"dog," the aso is actually a supernatural creature that incorporates
aspects of the dog, the dragon, and the climbing tendrils of forest
vines. When carved in the round, aso are often doglike. When rendered
in low relief, as on the handles and scabbards of swords, several
dragonlike aso are frequently combined in a semi-abstract interweaving
of bodies in which eyes, jaws, and other recognizable features can
scarcely be perceived. Although some scholars speculate that the aso
derives from dragons on Chinese trade ceramics (an important form
of wealth among the Kenyah-Kayan), the pervasiveness of similar concepts
in related Indonesian traditions makes it more likely that the creature
is of indigenous origin.5
In addition to warding off
dangerous spirits, the aso serves as a status symbol. Only members
of the high nobility are entitled to decorate their clothing and implements
with full aso or human figures. The accouterments of lesser nobles
can show only aso or human heads, while commoners are restricted to
geometric motifs.6
The Arts of War
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Threats to longhouse communities
came not only from spirits but also from human enemies. Until Dutch
and British colonial authorities intervened in the early twentieth
century, warfare and headhunting played central roles in the lives
of Kenyah-Kayan men. Prowess as a warrior was central to male identity
and social status, and some of the finest examples of Kenyah-Kayan
art are found in the rich adornment of warrior's costumes and weapons.
Many of the designs on Kenyah-Kayan weapons and war regalia had protective
functions, but the monstrous faces and aso on shields and headgear
were also intended to terrify human enemies and repel the spirits
that brought bad luck on the battlefield.
Among the finest examples of
Borneo metalwork are the brass ornaments that were attached to war
helmets made from coiled basketry. Such ornaments often depict the
human face, an emblem restricted to the nobility, in various degrees
of abstraction. These remarkable objects offered protection from enemy
weapons and served as marks of wealth and social rank.
Perhaps the consummate marriage
of form and medium in Kenyah-Kayan art is exemplified in the warrior's
ear ornaments carved from hornbill ivory. Derived from the beak of
the helmeted hornbill (Rhinoplax vigil), a large forest bird, this
unusual "ivory" was a rare and valuable commodity both within and
beyond Borneo. Many depict dragon-like aso carved with exquisite sensitivity
and detail. Although ear ornaments are worn by both sexes, in the
past only men who had taken enemy heads were entitled to wear those
made from hornbill ivory.7
The hornbill casque was highly prized outside of Borneo, so much so
that Chinese emperors are reputed to have worn belt buckles of Borneo
hornbill ivory.
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Weapons
were a central element of the male accouterments in this culture,
and the supreme expression of Kenyah-Kayan weaponry was the sword,
or mandau. Often each component-handle, blade, scabbard-of this remarkable
sword was produced by a different expert. The finest examples had
handles of deer antler adorned with aso and other supernatural subjects.
The blades, created from local iron ores and inlaid with imported
brass, were considered to be the finest in Borneo. The hot metal was
said to have been quenched in the cold water of mountain streams,
producing blades of superior strength. Iron was thought to have potentially
dangerous supernatural powers, and the smiths were generally drawn
from the nobility, who were likelier to be better able to control
these potent forces. These smiths had personal guardian spirits and
kept beads and other amulets among their iron-working tools to protect
themselves from harm.8
Once the blades were forged, they were complemented with tufted
handles, wooden or leather scabbards, beadwork, and amulets such as
shells and animal teeth. The result was a weapon that was both physically
and spiritually intimidating.
Masks
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Among the most dramatic Kenyah-Kayan
works are hudoq: ritual masks created to protect the rice crop. Rice
is the staple food of the Kenyah-Kayan, and crop failure can mean
starvation. In Kenyah-Kayan belief, rice has a female spirit or "soul"
that can be attacked by malevolent spirits, resulting in a poor harvest.
To protect the "rice soul," men don masks depicting fearsome creatures
to frighten dangerous spirits from the ricefields. Armed with menacing
teeth and adorned with tendril-like motifs, these brightly painted
masks represent both human and animal forms. The masks are worn with
shaggy costumes of banana leaves and are danced before planting and
again at various times as the rice plants mature.9
A second mask type, sometimes
called a "soul-catching mask," was formerly used by shamans in curing
rituals.10
During sleep or unconsciousness, the human soul is believed to travel
outside the body. If the soul becomes "lost" on its journey, the body
quickly sickens. When illness due to "soul loss" is suspected, the
shaman, usually a woman, is summoned. The shaman goes into a trance
and, using masks and other ritual paraphernalia, attempts to recapture
the wandering soul. If the soul cannot be caught and restored to the
body, the victim may die.11
The Women's World
Kenyah-Kayan women are closely
associated, both physically and ritually, with fertility and rice
agriculture. While men participate in agricultural rituals, women
have the primary responsibility for the rice crop that sustains the
community. In addition to the dangers posed by spirits, the sensitive
rice soul can be damaged if the plants are treated disrespectfully.
To protect this delicate soul, women harvest each seed head of rice
individually using special knives. The handles of rice knives, awls,
mat-weaving equipment, and other women's implements are carved by
men and frequently are decorated with monstrous protective images.
In the past, when courting, men often made tool handles for women
as a sign of affection.12
Beadwork is the most colorful
and technically complex art form in the Kenyah-Kayan tradition and
is created exclusively by women. Like the beadwork made by Native
Americans and Africans, Kenyah-Kayan beadwork represents a creative
fusion of indigenous aesthetics with imported materials. Using European
seed beads traded upriver from coastal cities, women fashion intricate
beadwork appliques for hats, baskets, and the unique carriers in which
they tote their infants. Larger beads of many types are highly valued.
Up until the early twentieth century, a single example of the most
sought-after variety, known as lukut sekala, could be exchanged in
Borneo for a human slave.13
Beads still are believed to have magical properties and often serve
as amulets.
Baby Carriers
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The ba' or "baby carrier,"
unique to central Borneo, is worn on the mother's back. The child
sits inside, facing forward with its legs hanging free on either side
of her body. This position allows the child to look out over its mother's
shoulder or sleep with its head resting on her back. Children are
carried in the ba' until about the age of two.
Most ba' consist of a plaited
basketwork core overlain with beadwork appliques and have a semicircular
wooden seat to support the child. Sometimes they are strengthened
with decorative wooden struts, which are often carved in the form
of miniature guardian figures. Some elaborate examples, known as bėnning,
are fashioned entirely from wood and inlaid with precious disks of
Conus shell. Here again, the motifs on baby carriers reflect social
status. Human and aso images adorn the ba' and bėnning of the nobility,
and those of commoners have geometric designs.
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In Kenyah-Kayan
belief, a child's soul is not yet firmly attached to its body, so
the ba' must also protect the infant's soul from danger. If the soul
wanders off or is lured away by spirits, the child may die. The carved
or beaded images on the baby carriers please the child's soul and
keep it nearby. As the mother walks, the rattling of the shells, teeth,
and other amulets attached to the ba' repel harmful spirits that threaten
the child inside and the ancient beads attached to baby carriers are
said to "warn" the mother of approaching danger by making particular
sounds.14
The Kenyah-Kayan Achievement
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Despite more than a century
of field research and collecting in Borneo, Kenyah-Kayan art remains
poorly documented. Much work has yet to be done to reach a fuller
understanding of this remarkable tradition. Based on what we do know,
however, what becomes clear is the tremendous depth and range of the
Kenyah-Kayan artistic achievement. Using a wide variety of materials
and techniques, Kenyah-Kayan artists have produced some of the most
visually striking images in indigenous Southeast Asian art.
The objects from this tradition
that we choose to call "art" may reflect a Western rather than an
indigenous aesthetic, but given the exquisite craftsmanship of many
Kenyah-Kayan objects, it is difficult to believe that their creators
were not motivated at least in part by a sheer delight in form and
ornament. To defend the longhouse from enemy raids, Kenyah and Kayan
warriors armed themselves with beautifully decorated weapons, costumes,
and shields. To drive off malevolent spirits, men and women adorned
their bodies, their tools, and their dwellings with protective imagery.
It is in the subtle interplay of object and image, of sacred and mundane,
of natural and supernatural, that Kenyah-Kayan art and life intersect,
as men and women and their creations together become the guardians
of the longhouse.
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Notes
1. NEEDHAM, R. "Skulls and Causality,"
Man, 11, 1976, pp. 74-77. [back]
2. KING, V. The Peoples of Borneo,
Oxford: Blackwell, 1993, pp. 232-246. [back]
3. Ibid. [back]
4. HEPPELL, M. "Whither Dayak Art?"
In: Taylor, M. (ed.), Fragile Traditions. Indonesian Art in
Jeopardy, Honolulu: University of Hawaii Press, 1994, pp.
125-126. [back]
5. HADDON, E. "The Dog Motif in Bornean
Art," Journal of the Royal Anthropological Institute of Great
Britian and Ireland, 35, 1905, pp. 113-125. [back]
6. KING, V. "Symbols of Social Differentiation
in Borneo," Museum Ethnographers Group Newsletter, 18, June
1985, pp. 13-14. [back]
7. TILLEMA, H. A Journey Among the
Peoples of Central Borneo in Word and Picture, Singapore:
Oxford University Press, 1989, p. 74. [back]
8. MUNAN, H. Sarawak Crafts: Methods,
Materials, and Motifs, Singapore: Oxford University Press,
1989, pp. 23-32. [back]
9. HEPPELL, M. Masks of Kalimantan,
Melbourne: Indonesian Arts Society, 1992, pp. 31-39. [back]
10. TILLOTSON, D. Personal communication,
1998. [back]
11. Rousseau, J. "From Shamans to
Priests: Religious Specialists Among the Kayan," In: Winzeler,
R. (ed.), The Seen and the Unseen: Shamanism, Mediumship and
Possession in Borneo, Borneo Research Council Monograph Series,
Volume 2, 1993, pp. 131-140. [back]
12. MUNAN H. Op. Cit., p. 20. [back]
13. CHIN, L. "Trade Objects: Their
Impact on the Cultures of the Indigenous Peoples of Sarawak,
Borneo," Expedition, 30 (1), 1988, pp. 60-61. [back]
14. WHITTIER, H. and P. WHITTIER,
"Baby Carriers: A Link Between Social and Spiritual Values
Among the Kenyah Dayak of Borneo," Expedition, 30 (1), 1988,
pp. 51-58. [back]
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Guardians of the Longhouse: Art in Borneo is on view
at the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York until
January 16, 2000. The first American exhibition devoted exclusively
to the Kenyah-Kayan tradition, Guardians of the Longhouse brings
together over sixty of the finest Kenyah-Kayan works from American
museum collections as well as many previously unexhibited works
from private lenders. It includes objects from the UCLA
Fowler Museum of Cultural History, the University of
Pennsylvania Museum of Archaeology and Anthropology, the Field
Museum of Natural History in Chicago, the Dallas Museum
of Art, and the American Museum of Natural History in New York,
as well as material from the Metropolitan's own collections.
Works from the private holdings of the Karob collection, the
Dashow collection, and two anonymous lenders are also represented.
The exhibition is supported in part through the generosity of
the Fred and Rita Richman Family Foundation and the Friends
of the Arts of Africa, Oceania, and the Americas.
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